University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire



A SOCIALIST PERSPECTIVE ON THE IRAQ WAR, PART ONE

BOB NOWLAN



Presented at the April 15, 2003 Iraq War Teach-In Organized and Conducted
by Eau Claire Staff and Faculty for Peace and Justice
(Part Two Prepared and Presented by Professor Stacy R. Thompson)


    Socialists unite with the majority of the world’s population, and the rest of the global left, in condemning the U.S. War versus Iraq as unnecessary, illegal, and unjust.  At the same time, socialists shed no tears for the collapse of Saddam Hussein’s totalitarian regime, firmly rejecting the claim by his Baath Party that these people have been “socialists” to be not only absurd but in fact obscene – an appalling slander against socialists and socialism of all kinds.  Now, however, that this regime has collapsed, and the initial military conquest of Iraq is completed, a socialist critique of the actual motives and logical consequences of this latter action becomes all the more urgent, especially because socialists agree that the United States represents the principal rogue state and the greatest threat to world peace due not only to its enormous military power but also its repeated willingness to use this, demonstrated again and again over the course of the past 110 years now, by forcibly intervening within foreign nations, and especially their economies, to insure these countries become, and remain, subject to U.S.-based capitalist hegemony.  


    What distinguishes socialist approaches toward making sense of this current Iraq war from other leftist critiques are thus the ultimate contexts within which, as well as the fundamental perspectives from which, we do so.  Socialists argue that the Iraq War must be understood as an imperialist war launched by the most powerful capitalist state in the world today, the U.S. state, to advance capitalist interests; it indeed makes logical sense to us as a necessary response, from the vantage point of capital, to the current as well as the perpetually ongoing crisis, indeed to the fundamental contradictions, of capitalism itself.  This war serves the interest of capital in class struggle with the working class both at home in the United States, and abroad, not just in Iraq and the Middle East but also around the world–in fact it represents a significant offensive action on the part of capital in this struggle.  In addition, the Iraq War also represents a powerful offensive on the part of primarily U.S.-based capitalists interests versus capitalist interests based primarily in Western Europe and East Asia.  U.S.-based capital seeks to maintain principal control and reap the primary benefits from the continuing, and especially forthcoming, exploitation of the natural and human resources of Iraq, as well as throughout potentially much of the surrounding Middle East region.  Most immediately, not only profits from oil but also from material contributions to the massive task of rebuilding the infrastructure of Iraq as well as arranging employment for Iraqi labor will greatly benefit primarily U.S. capitalist interests.   In effect, even if the U.S. does not remain directly in political and military control of Iraq, it will set up a puppet regime that means Iraqis will, in effect, work for American-based multinational capitalists, and American-dominated transnational capitalist interests and institutions will, likewise, in effect, own Iraq.  


    At home, in the United States, continuing sizeable expansions of military, security, and intelligence expenditures will benefit capitalists catering to these needs while the substantial reduction, across all levels of government, of payment for social services combined with continuing, and ever-increasing, tax breaks and other varieties of corporate welfare for the rich, will continue to transfer more and more money from the vast majority of the population to a 1% minority that already clearly owns over 40% and a 5% minority that already effectively controls 95% of this nation’s social wealth.  Likewise, the successful mobilization of the majority of the American working class to identify their fundamental interests with that of American capital, as represented by the American state, means that social antagonism and disaffection caused by the continuing relative decline in working class standard of living and control of social production will increase tendencies for workers to blame each other for this state of affairs, leading to increasing fracturing of the American working class along all-too-sadly predictable lines, such as those of race and ethnicity, gender and sexuality, region and subculture, service and industry, occupation and profession – not to mention also increasing tendencies to undermine working class unity and solidarity across international lines.   As a result of this division, opposition to increased exploitation of U.S. labor will tend to weaken, allowing capital more easily to conquer in the constantly ongoing class struggle between labor and capital inherent in capitalist society.   


    When capital inaugurates a major offensive, by means of its state, to expand its control over means of production, to increase the size and rate of its exploitation of labor, and to enhance its control over the accumulation of social wealth, this means that capital is responding to a crisis in its ability to maintain its average rate of profit, and, as a result, it is pursuing new–and renewed–avenues that will allow it to compensate for this decline.  Many are familiar with the fact that Lenin famously described imperialism as “the highest stage of capitalism,” but do not know, or recall, that he also suggested, at the same time, that this was an essentially “moribund” capitalism, a capitalism that had begun to globalize its ultimately unresolvable contradictions, and its recurrent tendency toward massively destructive crises, especially appallingly in the direction of  anarchic overproduction (production of goods and services in kinds and numbers that cannot not be sold at a satisfactory price to profit the capitalists who control their production and provision).  Once capitalism entered the imperialist stage, its progressive contribution to the world historical progress of human culture and civilization began to fall short of its stifling and reactionary constraint upon this development.  


    Capitalism is in fact no longer absolutely historically necessary, and has not been for close to one hundred years now; however, like past dominant modes of social production, such as feudalism, it may well take several centuries for it to pass away before a new  dominant mode of social production takes its place.  One of the most telling indictments of global capitalism today is the huge disparity in social wealth across the globe, and especially the enormous number of the world’s people who live severely impoverished lives–of hunger, disease, and slave-labor or destitution–at the same time as the richest of the world’s people amass enormous amounts of wealth under their control.   In the United States, the fact that Bill Gates alone personally owns more than the bottom 45 % of the American population points to the extent to which this imbalance shows up even in this, supposedly, one of the world’s  “richest” countries.  Likewise, the fact that the U.S. military budget itself exceeds the combined total of all of the rest of the military budgets of all of the rest of the world’s nations, and that this budget alone exceeds the gross national product of the world’s poorest nations in Africa, Central and South America, and Asia proves a telling indictment of this global system.  Furthermore, virtually all governments across the globe, as well as the vast majority of individuals throughout all of these countries, maintain combined huge debts to an ultimately very small core of super-powerful finance capitalists.  The system is clearly out of whack, and these are just a few signs of it.  Perhaps even more telling than what I have just mentioned is that the vast majority of the world’s wealth remains unavailable for direct expenditure on collectively decided, genuinely real social needs, as the capitalists who control this wealth will only invest in the creation and provision of use values where the exchange value of doing so can enable them not only to achieve a profit and to enrich their accumulation but also to enhance their power in competition with each other.  At the same time, the World Trade Organization continues to maintain the authority to prevent people locally, regionally, or nationally from passing virtually any law that might interfere with capitalist profit by reducing capitalists’ percentage share through such costs as minimum, not to mention living, wages, occupational health and safety protection standards, pollution controls and environmental clean-up responsibilities, consumer labeling and right of legal redress, guaranteed pensions and retirement benefits, along with the right to unionize, the right to collectively bargain, and, as need be, the right to strike.


    Capitalism begins with competition among many capitals.  As a result of the victories and defeats this competition brings about, capitalist competition leads, ironically yet logically enough, to concentration of capital which leads in turn to centralization of capital which leads to the formation of monopolies which leads in turn to imperialism.  Imperialism refers to capitalism that has reached the stage of development in which capital expands beyond national boundaries; the home nation now provides markets for commodity exports and investment of capital that prove insufficient to satisfy the needs of large monopoly capitalists.  Under imperialism, capitalist production and circulation begin to become transnational and the world as a totality becomes subject to the needs of capital, supported by the power of the imperialist state. The imperialist state conquers and maintains conquest of markets for export of finished goods, sources of raw materials and supplies to be used in capitalist production, markets for investment of excess capital, and sources for cheaper production that make use of cheaper labor and are largely freed of the environmental, health and safety, and tax restrictions faced in the “metropolitan” nations from which imperialist capital originates.


    The needs of—and the competition among—imperialist monopoly capitals provides the ultimate framework for understanding all wars fought by the capitalist nations of the First World ever since the latter half of the nineteenth century.  In the case of the United States, this includes the Spanish-American War, World War I and World War II, the Korean and Vietnamese Wars, the Iraq War, and over 100 other uses of military force by the United States government in the nations of the Third World, primarily in Central and South America, since the end of the 19th century.


    Nominal political independence did not free the nations of the Third World from domination by First World, imperialist monopoly capital. Imperialist capital continues to own and thereby control much of the production in these now formally independent nations while supplying the financial means of operating both domestic-based production as well as local government in these nations. This financial “support” is extremely costly for the people of these Third World nations.  Not only is money loaned out to Third World industry and government at exorbitant rates of interest, making repayment extremely difficult and forcing the Third World nation to transfer a great proportion of all wealth generated within its borders for decades to come to First World financial capital, but also this money is only loaned on draconian terms that usually require the economy of the Third World nation be restructured so as to provide an easier and more profitable location for further imperialist exploitation, including subjecting the people of the Third World nation to a program of “austerity” that causes the vast majority to experience terrible pain and hardship.  "Financial assistance” from the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and other First World capitals and capitalist institutions ostensibly designed to assist in the “development” of the Third World quite rightly have long been identified with development of Third World “underdevelopment”—with development that serves to enhance the profit of imperialist capital while simultaneously maintaining and even extending poverty within the Third World as well as the dependence of the Third World upon the First.


    Under neo-imperialist conditions, in which imperialist monopoly First World capital towers over indigenous Third World capital, often swallowing this indigenous capital up entirely and making it a subsidiary and complementary part of First World capital’s transnational field of operation, Third World governments must continue to cater to the needs and wants of imperialist capital, and those of their chief political and military agent, the imperialist state; if they refuse to do, they generally suffer dire consequences.  The fate of attempts to develop diverse kinds of semi- autonomous national economies in Chile under Allende, Nicaragua under the Sandinistas, and Iraq under Saddam Hussein all testify to the costs of not playing by the rules set by imperialism and agreeing to act at the virtual beck and call of imperialist masters.  The Kuwaiti state, supposedly saved by imperialist forces in 1991, is a perfect example of a state that has accepted its place and in so doing has become a good and useful servant of imperialism: Kuwait has long invested its profits where they have been needed in the United States and Britain—rather than in the Arab world—and has routinely agreed to adjust the price of its oil to suit the interests and needs of First World capital.


    Yet, once again, and even more so than in the first Iraq War of 1991, the fact that the United States has felt the need to make use of massive military force, at huge expense, in the time of a serious national and global economic crisis, against a nation, a government, and a regime that for decades was a U.S. ally and long received a significant amount of U.S. aid, makes it clear that, once again, just as in 1991, this war is a war not one of triumphant imperialism but rather one of desperate imperialism. The fact that the limited autonomy of Saddam Hussein’s Iraqi regime could not be allowed to interfere with the need for total subservience by the Persian Gulf states to imperialist interests indicates that First World, transnational capital is now so pressed by the stagnation and decline in the average rate of profit —and by the current global economic crisis—that it cannot afford to lose any important avenue for profit from the Third World at this time and that, furthermore, a deepening of current imperialist exploitation of the Third World has become necessary, to the point where the U.S. seems at least on the verge of returning from neo-colonialism to full-fledged colonialism.

    
        In a period of stagnation and decline in capitalist profit—and each successive long wave of stagnation and decline in the history of capitalism becomes even more difficult and costly for capital to overcome—capital must intensify its assault on labor, on social welfare, on Third World colonies and neo-colonies, and on non- (pre-, semi-, and post-) capitalist production to compensate for its loss in profit.  At the same time, inter-capitalist competition becomes even more ruthless.  In the age of late capitalism, during which transnational capitals dominate over smaller capitals that compete with each other for the most part within national industries, this inter-capitalist competition increasingly takes the form of inter-imperialist rivalry among transnational regional blocs, today American, European, and East Asian.  


     In the age of late capitalism, the Third World is no longer principally simply a supplier of raw materials and supplies to the First World and an additional site for export of finished goods and investment of excess capital; the Third World has also become increasingly the primary location for the production of goods in labor-intensive industries dominated by transnational capital.  Today, transnational industrial capital operates a global factory in which production of a single product can be easily divided into multiple separate stages carried out across many different nations and moved rapidly from one nation to the next in the constant search to reduce the cost of production to the lowest possible amount: an urgent necessity for capital that has grown so huge, producing so much and so rapidly, that it becomes increasingly difficult for capital to realize and maintain continuing high levels of profit—to sell all it produces at or above the price of production.  The emergence of this global factory over the past thirty to forty years has contributed to a growing full-scale industrial development of much of the Third World and to the proletarianization of an increasingly large percentage of the population of the Third World.  And yet, once again, this is Third World labor subject—now even more subject—to First World command and control.


    At the same time, the struggle and competition for profits in a period in which this becomes increasingly difficult and all kinds of other avenues have been pushed to the breaking point—intensified imperialist exploitation and intensified superexploitation of the various proletarian substrata whose labor is effectively devalued due to their lower social status; vast assistance from the state in the form of loans, tax breaks and credits, public works programs and a renewed permanent arms–and intelligence and security–economy; the invention of a whole new set of markets in the new post-World War II “consumer society” and the acceleration of brand differentiation and of planned obsolescence; permanent inflation, the extension of government deficits and of industrial and consumer credit, the increasing turn-over time required to transform surplus value into profit along with the greater proportion of labor involved in the realization as opposed the direct production of surplus value, at least within the First World, etc.—has meant that capital increasingly cannot tolerate sectors of the global economy even partially isolated from and limitedly subject to capitalist control.
    

    Because the Iraq War ultimately responds to the logic of capitalism, and fundamentally serves capitalist interests, socialists propose that the only ultimately effective way to respond to this initiative is to build an international revolutionary socialist mass movement that will prove capable of usurping power from capital and transforming capitalism into socialism–and to do so, of necessity, on a global scale.  Protest and reform can contribute usefully toward this ultimate objective, but they will always prove insufficient in stopping, let alone preventing, the continual recurrence and future resurgence of imperialist war.  We believe that movements of protest and reform can provide the vital initial conditions of possibility as well as forces of generation for the necessary revolutionary socialist movement, so we fully support and encourage these, as socialists believe that socialism represents the revolutionary movement of self-emancipation of the international working class, but we also believe that it is necessary to engage in these movements with a consciousness of the need to push yet further beyond this stage, to seize control and take charge ourselves of what we are fighting against.  We also believe that the struggle requires a continuously ongoing effort, as well as a form of organization, to maintain the forward movement from one temporal instance and/or spatial location to another.


    Capitalism provides primarily highly alienated kinds of freedom for the vast majority of its population–this is a freedom largely defined, in practice, as a “freedom from” or a “freedom against” others rather than as a “freedom with” and a “freedom for” others.   Few decisions in social life under capitalism, moreover, are actually carried out according to genuinely, substantially democratic mechanisms, and those in fact cited as the hallmarks of our democracy–e.g., voting for official elected “representatives” in government–only disguise the extent to which plutocracy and autocracy perpetually trump democracy in the formation and constitution of capitalist governments as well as in the ways and the directions these governments proceed to carry out the social responsibility of the state to manage and contain class divisions and antagonisms within the larger society.  The fundamental responsibility of the capitalist state is to insure law and order so that business as usual will prevail; this means the state’s ultimate function is to insure the reproduction of the general conditions of production necessary for the exploitative expropriation of surplus value from surplus labor by capital, the subsequent realization by capital of this surplus value as profit, and the further accumulation of this profit by capital as wealth that it privately owns and privately controls.  The state also assists in making sure that capital maintains effective monopoly control over the means and processes of social production as well as by assuming a privileged role in the reproduction of qualified labor power and of compliant laborers.  The vast majority of the population living under capitalism enjoys its greatest real economic freedom in fact only insofar as it is able to sell its labor-power to capital so that capital can in turn exploit this labor to satisfy its own private interests and needs.  The capitalist economy is intrinsically anti-democratic, and the freedoms available to those engaged within practices of capitalist production, consumption, distribution, exchange, and reproduction differ fundamentally in terms not simply of relative market power but, even greater than this, of relative class position.  Only, in fact, under socialism and especially under communism, will the great majority of humanity be able to enjoy a social life actually permeated with freedom and driven by democracy.  


    The absolute prerequisite for the creation of a realm of genuine freedom is the minimization of time spent providing for the fundamental or primary necessities of life.  Only when these needs have been met for all individuals can every individual develop a full and rich individuality.  The struggle to create a communist society is most immediately a struggle to provide for these needs on a global scale so that the material foundation is laid for a global federation of egalitarian and democratically self-managed communities in which, as Marx and Engels write in The Communist Manifesto, "the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all."   With the subordination of the forces of production to the conscious direction of the associated producers, the conditions of alienation that characterize social relations under capitalism would begin to wither away and with this a clearer understanding of the real relationship between human labor and its products would emerge: the fact that labor represents the fundamental, initial exercise of human creative power, and the foundation for the development of a human culture that develops out of and extends beyond what nature itself provides.  For the first time in history human beings would be able to direct and design their destiny in a comprehensive and rational fashion.


    Genuine freedom is in fact more than merely the opposite of necessity–more than simply freedom from necessity.  Only a communist society in which the ownership and control of the forces of social production are subordinated to the general will and conscious plan of the whole of society will it be possible not only to minimize the time spent providing for basic needs and create a space for human associations freed from the constraints of economic necessity, but also to make available to all the possibility of an extensive experience of as well as participation in a realm of genuine freedom: a realm of genuine free play and free creation, of self-direction and self-control of one's own activity in remaking and transforming nature, culture, and oneself.  Within capitalism, as in all other forms of class society, the enjoyment of free time is limited not only by the level and pace of development of the productive forces of society but also by narrow minority control of these productive forces, and use of this control against the interests of the vast majority.  The freedom to develop and cultivate a richly fulfilling, multi-dimensional cultural experience, that human beings create and re-create of, for, and by themselves, is therefore largely limited under capitalism to those who direct and control the means of social production: the ruling class (although greater or lesser "scraps" are granted to allies in intermediary classes and strata to buy them off).   Socialism prepares the way for communism; communism ultimately requires the emergence and development of a new modes of subjectivity, that is new ways of conceiving, defining, and practicing relations between self and other, individual and community, and community and society.  Socialism transforms capitalism human nature into communist human nature.


    For Marxists, an objective socio-economic crisis of the capitalist mode of production, and the capitalist social order that this mode of production founds, is a necessary but not sufficient condition for socialist revolution and transformation.  In short, while Marxists do not believe that socialism can be achieved simply at any time and place a group of people seek to will it into being, as Marxists believe socialism must develop at the point where the contradictions of capitalism can more readily and easily be resolved through transformation and supersession than restoration and dissolution, Marxists do not believe that capitalism can or will inevitably fall all by itself.   It is crucial therefore to focus considerable energy not only to the development of the objective conditions of possibility for socialism but also the subjective means sufficient actually to take advantage of what these objective conditions make possible.  In other words, the possibility of successful socialist revolution depends upon the development of organization and consciousness among the exploited sufficient to take advantage of the objective contradictions of capitalism at points of objective crisis for the accumulation of capital–and to do this in order to push "crisis" towards revolution.


    We live at a time in which global capitalism, as aforementioned, despite its apparently triumphal domination, suffers from deep-seated, ever-growing, and in fact ultimately unresolvable crisis.  The prospective return from neo-colonialism to a virtually direct colonialism in Iraq, as well as potentially elsewhere beyond Iraq in the immediate years to come, along with the mobilization of this nation’s military and security forces, as well as media and public consciousness, in a state of virtually perpetual fear, and prospectively constant war footing, results ultimately from weakness, even desperation, rather than any of this manifesting the essential strength and stability of the capitalist social system.  Likewise, the political and ideological use of the neo-conservative war on terrorism to displace and disintegrate the worldwide anti-capitalist movement mobilized in opposition to neo-liberal capitalist globalization has in fact only succeeded in helping foster the emergence of a potentially much larger, ultimately even more threatening–to capital–global peace and justice movement.  We believe that it is from this new global movement that a proletarian vanguard must emerge, develop, and work inside of the international working class so as to assist this class in its efforts at realizing revolutionary self-emancipation; the mass movement makes the revolution, yet the vanguard serves as a critical catalyst.  


    Of course, it is true that many obstacles confront making socialism appear a vital–and viable–entity to broad layers of the international working class today.  Yet the difficulty of current conditions for socialist struggle does not eradicate the necessity of this struggle, but in fact increases its urgency.  In late capitalism today,"technological development based on the whims of competition and profit, or bureaucratic irresponsibility–and not any ‘uncontrollable perversity’ of technology or of science in and of themselves–is leading us to disaster," and, this state of affairs "results from the subordination of science to the narrow imperatives of short-term profit expectations," such that "in capitalist society decisions which seem rational given the limited concerns of individual capitalists, corporations, regions, etc., can turn out to have totally irrational and destructive consequences for society as a whole" (4th International 6).  In the late–global–capitalism of today, the growing internationalization of the productive forces has lead towards the increasing internationalization of capital, which "implies above all a growing globalization of the main problems of humanity," and the impossibility of the (re)solution of these problems on a world scale other than by the means provided through the establishment of a world socialist federation.  As the 4th International indicates, "despite its broad temporary hegemony on the international political scene, imperialism is incapable of mastering this internationalization."  Today, it is bourgeois society and not any "experiment" in creating a "socialist utopia" "which strangles the unfettered development of individuality for the overwhelming majority of the planet's inhabitants–not only in the ‘Third World’ but also in the richer countries" (37): it is, in other words, the restrictions and constraints of the capitalist system of production, distribution, appropriation, and accumulation of social wealth that results in vast and increasing social inequality, continued and expanding alienation in and beyond relations of wage labor, the manipulation of consciousness through the stultification disseminated by means of the "mass culture" which is mass produced for mass consumption under the narrow control of the denizens of the "culture industry," and the reduction of "freedom" to choice of brand of consumption among various products of alienated and exploited labor.  It is all of these that are the actual causes of the "strangling" of the potential for human development for the vast majority of people living in the late capitalist world of today.  It is certainly true that the struggle ahead for socialism–and communism–will likely prove long and difficult, yet the only alternative to this struggle is accepting passively or fatalistically the perpetuation of capitalism in decline and, in fact, the rise of an even far more brutally dehumanizing post-capitalist form of barbarism.


    Contrary to post-Marxist attempts to substitute movements for "radical democracy" for "revolutionary socialism," we believe the proletariat (the working class) remains central to any struggle which hopes to achieve fundamental transformation of capitalist society.  This is in part due to the fact that a vast proportion of the membership of these supposedly "post-class" new social movements–in particular the "rank-in-file" of these movements–are most often themselves at least objectively, if not always simultaneously subjectively, proletarian (i.e. they are proletarian in terms of their objective position in relation to the ownership and control of the means, processes, and ends of their own and of others' social productive activity).  Yet the continuing centrality of the proletariat to the struggle for socialism is also, and ultimately much more importantly, because the transformation of capitalism into communism is fundamentally a transformation in the dominant mode of social production through the elimination and supersession of the fundamental contradictions of capitalist society.  Resolution of contradiction–of a relation which involves the simultaneous unity and struggle of opposites–requires that the subordinate term in the contradiction overtake and overthrow the dominant, replacing it as the new dominant within a new, more inclusive (more universal) relation organized at a higher level and in a form which maintains what was necessary and beneficial in the previous relation while eliminating what was not (or, more precisely, no longer) necessary and beneficial and, at the same time, introducing new constituent elements as well, for a more rapidly, comprehensively, and substantially progressive development of this new reality.  The proletariat represents the subordinate term in the fundamental contradictions of capitalism and in the resolution of these contradictions.


    Only the proletariat, moreover, has the capacity to abolish capitalism since its combined power (combined across industries, branches, sectors, departments, regions, and nations) constitutes the major productive force in capitalist society.  Because of this central position in the production of the wealth of capitalist society, the proletariat is potentially able to attain practical control over all of the economic institutions of capitalist society: it already occupies the objective position in capitalist society which makes this attainment a real possibility.  This attainment is in fact a necessity if the proletariat is to emancipate itself from subjection to and subjugation by capital.  In order to end capitalist exploitation and alienation of its labor, the proletariat must gain genuinely effective control over the means, processes, and ends of its own productive activity, and it can only do so by forcibly seizing this control from capital and abolishing capitalism.


    At the same time as the proletariat must abolish capitalism in order to emancipate itself, abolition of capitalism is insufficient, in and of itself, to effect this emancipation.  The abolition of capitalism will only lead in the direction of proletarian emancipation if a revolutionary working class–a working class engaged in leading the entire process of revolutionary destruction, replacement, transformation, and reconstruction of capitalist society–is able to extend and generalize the tendencies toward socialization of production (and ultimately towards communism) developed within and begun under capitalism.  There are two principal reasons for this.  First, unlike, for example, land in a peasant revolution, factories (and other enterprises organized to carry out a discrete production process) cannot be subdivided into entirely separate "parcels" which are effectively controlled by entirely different individual workers or groups of workers.  You cannot effectively control only part of an assembly line–at least not without participating in the effective control of the line as a whole (and genuinely effective control of its own production is, after all, the principal goal of proletarian self-emancipation).  Second, emancipation of the proletariat from the exploitation and alienation of its labor can only be secured if it is established upon the foundation of a quantitative extension and development, to the point of qualitative enrichment and transformation, of modes of economic cooperation, planning, unity, and association already begun under capitalism–extension and enrichment, in other words, of capitalist cooperation, planning, unity, and association in the social production of goods, in the social deployment of services, and in the social reproduction of the general (pre)conditions of this production and deployment.  The proletariat must therefore, if it is to secure its own emancipation, drive forward objective tendencies toward the supersession of capitalism within capitalism itself to the actual realization of this supersession.  In this way, the proletariat is not only objectively positioned but also objectively interested in a way that is not true of any other group to lead the process of creation of socialism and communism out of capitalism.  No other social group in capitalist society maintains this same objective interest in the realization of communism.  For no other social group is communism the only kind of society in which it will be possible for the group to free itself.  The proletariat cannot free itself other than by creating a society which altogether eliminates exploitation and alienation of labor: this society is communism, and the process of its revolutionary construction from out of capitalism is socialism.


    Many contemporary critics of orthodox Marxism, including many radical critics, in recent years have suggested that socialism and communism as envisioned by orthodox Marxism is no longer possible because: 1. of a decline in the size and strength of the proletariat in contemporary, "post-industrial society" and 2. because the remainder of this declining proletariat has been so thoroughly coopted and contained, so thoroughly "bourgeoisified" and integrated into acceptance of and conformity with the logic of capitalist commodity production and consumption that the proletariat no longer and never again will constitute a significant source of opposition to bourgeois hegemony. 
[This is especially true, of course since the collapse of Stalinism -- a model of "post-capitalist" society which we do not by any means equate with either socialism or communism, but rather with a counter-revolutionary bureaucratic usurpation of the right and power of self-determination and self-rule from the collective working class -- Stalinism deserved to fall and needed to be superseded; this is the only legitimately, genuinely socialist, as well as communist, position on that matter, as we see it.]  Both of these claims are, simply put, false.  The so-called "post-industrial society" not only ignores the vast industrialization of the "Third World" which has taken place over the past 35 to 40 years, but also exaggerates the degree to which industrial manufacturing has declined in significance in the "First World."  Furthermore, service workers are, by and large, proletarian; the proletariat is not defined by the kind of work it does–nor by the nation or region in which it works–but instead by the fact that it must sell its labor power to capital in order to obtain access to the means by which it can it support itself, and by the additional fact that the wage it receives to provide for this subsistence is determined by the law of value: the quantity of labor socially necessary to produce the proletariat as a proletariat, as labor power in and for capitalist production (and this value of labor-power, as is well-known, includes both a biological minimum and a moral-historical component which changes as a result of changes in the balance of forces in the class struggle between capital and labor).  By orthodox Marxist standards, the percentage of proletarians in the world today is in fact far higher than ever before in the history of capitalism.  Moreover, as Marxists since Marx have long noted, simultaneous (and interlinked) increases in the organic composition of capital and the industrial reserve army of labor do temporarily decrease the relative size and strength of the (actively laboring) proletariat, yet this does not mean that either the proletariat as a whole or tendencies toward increasing proletarianization have decreased in absolute terms.


    As for the second claim, it is admittedly true that revolutionary proletarian class consciousness has to be developed and does not arise spontaneously as a result of the mere experience of exploitation.  It is also certainly true that the proletariat can be misled, can be divided and set against itself, can be coopted and at times even politically marginalized.  And yet the opposite is also true as well: the proletariat is the only social group that maintains a clear objective interest in the successful achievement of socialism and communism, and it is also ultimately the only agent capable of leading a complete and successful revolutionary reconstruction of the totality of capitalist society that can end, once and for all, the division of human society into classes: only the revolutionary proletariat can provide the leadership sufficient to develop a genuinely and substantially egalitarian human society.  Besides, any account of the history of late capitalism that ignored the extent to which proletarian men and women have fought and continue to fight back against their exploitation, albeit often unsuccessfully and often in short-sighted and misguided ways, would be a travesty of historical accuracy.  Even in the United States today, where organized labor has been decimated by decades of cutbacks and concessions and where unions now represent only approximately 12% of the workforce, wage workers continue to struggle in large numbers, often quite valiantly, against extremely powerful political-ideological as well as socio-economic opposition, not only to save what they can from past gains in struggle with capital but also to achieve whatever further gain they can whenever and wherever they can.  Moreover, this resistance is often–even increasingly often–rooted in the collective action of local, grassroots, independent, and rank-in-file organizations and community coalitions, which in turn suggests that new forms of organization of labor struggle are continuing to emerge and develop in the face of new conditions of contest with capital in 21st century late capitalism dominated by multinational and transnational capital, massive restructuring and downsizing programs, the decimation of public sector hiring, the exponential growth of the routine deployment of temporary and part-time labor including through the extensive use of outsourcing and subcontracting, the extensive de-skilling of labor through rationalization and automation of skilled labor tasks in the "new electronic sweatshop," and the further routine stratification and division of workers at the workplace through mechanisms which integrate workers into management and policing functions–such as “merit pay,” "quality circles," "focus groups," and "team concepts."

        
    The proletariat will need allies in its struggle against capital.  Today, these potential allies chiefly include groups organized within the so-called "new social movements" along lines of gender and sexual orientation, race and ethnicity, age and physical or mental (dis)ability, peace and justice, and ecological commitment.  Unlike previous kinds of allies in previous revolutionary struggles for proletarian emancipation, the chief allies of the proletariat in future revolutionary struggles will not be classes that represent the vestiges of pre-capitalist (or even semi-capitalist) modes of production and forms of social organization such as the peasantry (especially because late capitalism has brought about an increasingly rapid proletarianization of remnant peasant classes in the "Third World").  Instead, the principal allies of the proletariat in the late(r) capitalist revolutionary struggle for proletarian self-emancipation will be those social groups that represent–at the least in a logical development of their most advanced and radical tendencies–the anticipation of a future mode of production and a future mode of life in a new form of social organization beyond capitalism.  


    Members of the petit-bourgeoisie, or of the so-called “middle” classes, can play a highly useful role in contributing toward revolutionary socialist transformation by allying their struggles with those of the proletariat.  In the late capitalism of today the petit-bourgeoisie includes both the (remnant) "old petit-bourgeoisie"–the independent artisans, commercial traders, and shopkeepers, remnants of the epoch of transition from feudalism to capitalism in which the logic of simple commodity production prevailed–and the (emergent) "new petit-bourgeoisie"–or the "new middle classes" of professionals, managers, scientists and technicians, academic intellectuals, politicians and bureaucrats (among others).  These various sectors of the new petit-bourgeoisie all work in relatively privileged positions within bourgeois society (often as the highest level and most powerful servants of capital) due to their ability to maintain (although often quite tenuously) a relative monopoly on valuable skills and/or knowledge (including the means of validation and accreditation which supply and confirm this relative monopoly) such that these groups of petit-bourgeois men and women are able to extract themselves from the workings of the law of value in the determination of their wages and salaries.  The new petit-bourgeoisie is compensated in pay at a rate in excess of the socially necessary labor it produces and is, at the same time, able to exercise a kind of real (although ultimately limited) effective control over the means, processes, and ends of its own and others' productive activity.  The petit-bourgeois enjoys a real and often quite substantial advantage (and privilege) versus the proletarian in income and wealth, status and power, freedom and autonomy, as well as access to and exercise of natural and cultural resources.  The objective (class) interest of the petit-bourgeois is to maintain this privilege and prevent proletarianization.  This leads often to a quite desperate struggle on the part of the petit-bourgeoisie due to the fragility of the intermediate position which makes possible this privilege.  The proletarian is thus often perceived as not only an enemy which must be fought down and kept in her "proper" place below the petit-bourgeois but also as representing what the petit-bourgeois fears most: the image of what he might yet become and what he seeks most strenuously to avoid.


    Commitment to radical and revolutionary change by members of the petit-bourgeoisie is, as a result, at least initially, always largely the product of ethical and intellectual as well as aesthetic and even moral-religious rather than directly economic or even political motives, and this petit-bourgeois influence has in fact frequently distorted the direction and limited the effectiveness of revolutionary struggles for proletarian emancipation dominated by petit-bourgeois elements.  Nevertheless, this is not always the case.  In fact, in late capitalist society the petit-bourgeoisie plays an inescapably predominant role in the intellectual leadership of virtually all radical and indeed even all (proto-)revolutionary movements conducted in the interests of the exploited and oppressed.  This is due to the severe constraints upon time, energy, and access to intellectual and technical resources that confront these exploited and oppressed members of the proletariat.


    Thus, in sum, and to conclude my contribution to today’s presentation, socialists welcome and encourage representatives of middle class-based social and political movements of protest and reform to join the struggle for revolutionary socialist transformation, yet also maintain the conviction that these petit-bourgeois elements must be ready to engage with the most extensive and searching critique, as well as self-critique, of their own socio-economic position and interests.  Nevertheless, we do believe that the actual prominence and significance of the new petit-bourgeoisie and of petit-bourgeois ideology in late capitalism and indeed also in movements of “liberal,” “progressive,” and “radical” resistance as well as opposition to the late capitalist social status quo mean that a concrete strategic program for the development of a 21st century international revolutionary socialist movement requires that this movement critically appropriate from the creative, insightful, and stimulating contributions of various oppositional, and especially anti-capitalist while perhaps not yet pro-socialist, forms of contemporary petit-bourgeois ideology while assisting many from at least the most radical sections of the petit-bourgeoisie to become "proletarian revolutionists."


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