In the novel The Divine Secrets
of the Ya-Ya Sisterhood, 1
Rebecca Wells incorporates elements of traditional religious forms and
women’s spirituality. By combining Catholicism with feminist neopaganism and
the Afro-Caribbean religions of Voodoo and Santeria, Wells has created an
innovative syncretism uniquely suited to the Ya-Ya characters in their
Louisiana setting. A major theme throughout the novel is clandestine
spirituality. The word “divine” refers literally to the sacred, and women’s
ways of honoring the sacred have often had to remain secretive, hidden under
official patriarchal versions of religion.2
Clandestine goddess worship is one of the things
that binds together the Ya-Ya sisterhood, made up of four central Louisiana
women, friends since childhood. The focus in much of the novel is on Siddalee
(called Sidda), the daughter of Viviane (called Vivi), one of the Ya-Yas. When
a rift develops because of playwright Sidda’s revelations to the press about
her childhood, the other Ya-Yas intervene to help, convincing Vivi to send her
cherished scrapbook, the “divine secrets,” to her daughter. Originally, Sidda
had intended to use it in her research for a new project, a remake of The Women, a work that Vivi contrasted
with the Ya-Yas’ view of themselves as loving sisters: “We are nothing like those cats in The Women. . . They hated each other”
(16). Reading the scrapbook, Sidda finds herself completely absorbed in the
world of female friendship it reveals. The deep bonds between the women and
their feminized images of the sacred emerge as the truly divine secrets.
The relationship between the women and the sacred is
cast in terms familiar to women involved in, or conversant with, the women’s
spirituality movement, which is based on distinctly feminine and feminist forms
of religion. Typical features include: 3
·
Embodied
spirituality connection of spirituality with the body and the earth as a
rejection of patriarchal dualism;4
·
Feminine
sacred symbols—reference to the goddess and other female supernatural beings
(fairies, mermaids, amazons, valkyries);
·
Intuitive
knowledge—location of the divine within the inner self, rather than external
sources of authority, like law codes and rigid hierarchies;
·
All-female
community—membership in an all-female circle or congregation based on loyalty,
emotional intimacy, and a powerful bond, sometimes referred to as sisterhood;
·
Foremothers—reverence
for mothers, grandmothers, and other ancestresses, real or imagined;5
·
Sacred
history6—a myth of origins, often involving a female creator deity
and a way of connecting the female community of the present day to her;
·
Homeopathic
healing connection to the earth and nature, such as use of herbs, aromatherapy,
and massage.7
All these elements are interwoven in the novel. The healing methods
employed at the boarding school by Sister Solange, which she cautions Vivi to
keep secret, are intimately bound up in a web of symbolism regarding care of
the body and rejection of the classic dualism represented by St. Augustine.
Vivi’s displacement from the community of Ya-Yas at St. Augustine’s School is
also a displacement from her connection to certain sacred sites in nature, like
Spring Creek where the Ya-Yas revitalize themselves by swimming and the bayou
where the young Ya-Yas perform their clandestine ceremony of cohesion. An
origin myth about Amazonian ancestresses forms part of the ritual establishing
the Ya-Yas as an all-female circle of friends described as a tribe, combining
three of the elements above: female community, female ancestry (imaginary, in
this case), and female images of the supernatural. Goddess imagery is found
throughout the novel, but it is especially prominent in the scene in which Vivi
expresses her inner knowledge (intuition) that the Moon Lady, the divine
mother-goddess, is her “real” mother. The same scene makes use of goddess
imagery borrowed from Afro-Caribbean tradition, which fits the pattern of
clandestine spirituality and ties it directly to the feminist emphasis on
female images of the sacred.
Afro-Caribbean religions like Voodoo8 and
Santeria came into existence as clandestine religions. According to Milo
Rigaud, when West African people were captured and taken as slaves to the
Caribbean, they were forced to adopt the Christianity of their masters, at
least on the surface. Meanwhile, they had no desire to give up their own
beliefs or practices. Contrary to the stereotype of Voodoo as evil, it is
actually a mixture of Yoruba (West African) polytheism with Catholicism, in
which African deities (called loa or orishas) are concealed behind the
iconography of saint veneration. When the slaves (and later their descendants)
ostensibly paid homage to the Virgin Mary, they were secretly worshipping Yoruba
goddesses. Voodoo has been an important part of Louisiana’s culture since the
French brought slaves from Haiti through the port of New Orleans. Santeria is
Voodoo’s sister religion from Cuba. As Migene Gonza1es-Wippler, herself a
practitioner of Santeria, explains, it shares the same history and is
essentially the same in most of its practices.
Paganism in Europe had a similar history. The word pagan derives from the Latin word pagane, meaning rural people. It did not
originally have negative connotations, according to Monica Sjoo and Barbara Mor
(27-28, 322). When Christianity, a new, urban religion, swept upward from the
Mediterranean region where it originated, the people of the European
countryside had an earth-centered set of religious and folk practices
pertaining to seasonal agricultural cycles. There were many deities associated
with forces of nature, some of which were goddesses who represented the
fertility of the earth and the life force in general. Rivers, seas, and springs
were often sacred sites associated with particular goddesses because of water’s
ability to refresh both the earth and the people. Many were also moon
goddesses, whose triple identities as maiden, mother, and crone represented the
phases of a woman’s life and her twenty-eight day monthly cycle, as well as the
stages of the growing season. The pre-Christian goddesses had many names: Moon
Lady, Earth Mother, Mother Nature, and Queen of Heaven, among others. Sometimes
a goddess was linked specifically with flowers, sometimes with grain. Sometimes
she was associated with the stars, especially the morning and evening star,
which was actually the planet Venus.
When the rural people balked at the new religion,
Christianity, with its masculine imagery, their pagan holidays were appropriated,
and their shrines were rededicated to saints. Goddess shrines often became the
sites of churches named “St. Mary’s” or “Our Lady.” Many people, however,
continued with their pagan worship under the Christian veneer. Eventually the
word pagan came to mean evil or even
satanic in Christian usage, but it has recently been retrieved by contemporary
neopagans, many of them feminists, and restored to its original meaning of
nature-oriented spirituality. Feminist spirituality has emerged from the search
for feminine images of the divine, and is a growing movement in which earth and
nature goddesses are emphasized, often in connection with the ecological
concerns of ecofeminism. Many women in the feminist spirituality movement do
not believe literally in deities, but employ the imagery of female divinity and
strength to express something internal and external, one’s own spirit or inner
being, and the living forces inherent in the natural world which manifest in
the budding of plants and the return of fertility to the land every year.
The pagan and Afro-Caribbean patterns of clandestine
spirituality are reflected in the novel from the beginning. When Necie, one of
the Ya-Yas, accuses the others of making up their own religion, she implies
that they have replaced God with Mary as a goddess:
“I thought you only prayed to Mother Most Merciful, cher,” Teensy said. “Didn’t you
eighty-six the Old Fart?”
“Please, Teensy,” Necie said, “stop it. You do that
just to shock me.”
“Well, that’s true,” Vivi explained. “I did give up
on God the Father. . . . But I thought in this case I better cover all my
bases.”
“Always a good idea,” Caro said.
“It can never hurt to keep praying to them
all is what I say,” said Necie, the only one who still thought the Pope wasn’t
senile. “Since the Holy Trinity does still
exist, even though y’all have reinvented the Catholic religion to suit
yourselves.”
“Come on, Necie,” Teensy said. “Don’t get
preachy. You know we’re all good Catholics au
Coeur.” (12)
Although the Ya-Yas consider themselves Catholic, Vivi uses
nature-oriented goddess appellations whenever she speaks about or prays to the
sacred as Lady of the Fields and Prairies, Lady of the Shooting Stars or Queen
of the Moon and Stars (17-19). At the same time, her vocabulary could be interpreted
as traditional Marian piety.
Necie, the most conservative of the four, is the
most conventionally religious but nonetheless participates in every act of
clandestine spirituality in the novel. It is she who, in the scene above,
establishes the limits of the Ya-Yas’ secret religion by marking the boundaries
of acceptable Catholic practice. By saying that one can “keep praying to them
all,” she leaves space for the Ya-Yas’ unique way of being religious without
rejection of Catholicism.
Sidda orients herself toward a feminine image of the
divine from beginning to end. She repeatedly refers to the energy that she
feels emanating down from the moon and up from the earth, both traditionally
associated with the goddess in many cultures. Wells frames the entire novel
with scenes in which Sidda experiences the love of the Blessed Mother while
basking in the moonlight (Prologue and 356).
The same Moon Lady functions as a divine mother to the four Ya-Yas in their youth. As small children having a sleepover at Vivi’s house, they slip out to the bayou, where they enact a sisterhood ceremony. Their ritual contains a reading of a make believe origins legend, a “secret history” of an Edenic primordial time when a band of Amazon-like women roamed Louisiana. They could travel all the way from New Orleans to Shreveport on the treetops. After a hurricane and encounters with vicious alligators, only four survived: the four Ya-Ya sisters.
They are adopted for special protection by the Moon
Lady in Biblical language, using the same words as when God declared Jesus to
be his son: “You are my daughters in whom I am well pleased” (69-71, cf. New Jerusalem Bible, Mark 1:11). When
Necie objects to the Biblical borrowing, Teensy retorts that “The Bible doesn’t
own those words” (71). Teensy’s
retort gives a clue to the entire Ya-Ya approach to spirituality: on one hand,
words and images can be borrowed from any source, because no one has a monopoly
on any form of religious expression. On the other hand, they lean toward
conventional Christian words and images, appropriated in creative and secretive
ways.
The children’s ritual episode is embedded in a
longer passage in which Vivi’s father brings gifts home from Cuba (62-76). It
is a particularly revealing example of hidden spirituality. Almost certainly
the statue of the Virgin Mary represents a Santeria orisha (spirit or deity),
probably Oshun, a goddess associated with the element water, the moon and the
earth’s fertility in birth and regeneration.9 Vivi’s mother, Buggy,
the recipient of the gift, insists that the statue looks like a “tart” and has
its/her adornments removed, including the beads, which are important ritual
objects in Santeria. For Vivi and her friends, the statue provides a pattern of
clandestine goddess veneration directly related to Louisiana’s own
Afro-Caribbean tradition, Voodoo. Oshun, or Erzulie as she is known in Haitian
Voodoo, is syncretized with the Virgin Mary, but has some radically different
attributes. Oshun and Erzulie combine compassion (a Marian virtue also typical
of many goddesses) with sensuality and seductiveness (resembling the Greek
Aphrodite or the Roman Venus). Santeria initiates possessed by the spirit of
Oshun take on many characteristics of a “tart,” but at the same time dispense
compassion and caring to the Santeria community.
Upon returning from their nighttime ceremony at the
bayou, the Ya-Yas bow to the statue and address her as their tribal
protectress, the divine Moon Lady. Just as she adopts them as her people, they
adopt her as their goddess. They restore the statue’s painted beauty and return
her sacred Santeria necklaces, now also sanctified as the Royal Ya-Ya Jewels.
They paint their own bodies at the creek and wear the beads. By painting the
goddess with the same makeup and replacing the beads around her neck, they
forge a symbolic connection with her. Vivi falls asleep that night with the
silent words in her head: “The Ya-Yas are my real family. . . . I am of the
great and royal tribe of Ya-Yas. . . The Moon Lady is my Mother” (75).
Buggy’s austere religiosity represents a punitive
form of piety, based on apparent self-abnegation, but really dominated by
self-righteous fury. She remakes the Virgin Mary in her own image, both
literally and theologically. She often says that the Virgin would like to see
the Ya-Yas performing certain actions that please her, as though she and Mary
share the same viewpoint. Her Mary seems to enjoy the suffering of the girls.
At the same time, Buggy limits the Virgin’s importance, just as she confines herself
within the boundaries of acceptable feminine piety. Buggy’s invocations of Mary
as divine are always subordinate to male religious power, such as God the
Father, Jesus, and even radio preacher Father Coughlin (63). Although she makes
frequent references to the Virgin Mary, real power for Buggy is always
masculine.
Buggy’s attempts to control and punish Vivi involve
placing her under patriarchal religious power as well, by sending her to a
strict Catholic boarding school. St. Augustine, after whom the school in the
novel is named, represents a particularly anti-nature strand of Catholic
tradition. The theologian Augustine of Hippo was a proponent of a dualistic
worldview in which the “flesh” (the body) and all material reality (the earth,
nature) were considered an evil snare that endangered the soul. The dualism,
prominent in Christian thought, originated in Greek philosophy. The soul and
abstract reason were always held to be superior to matter, and were necessary
to give undifferentiated matter an orderly form. The Christian versions of the
dualism made the body, nature, and earth not only inferior, but evil. The life
of the flesh was said to be a life of self-indulgence, associated with
humanity’s “fallen” nature; hence the cruel attitudes of the nuns in the novel
toward the body and its needs. Vivi, whose name indicates her connection with
the life force, with liveliness, is sent to St. Augustine’s, where she is
subjected to a regime that almost kills her in an attempt to disembody her
symbolically, to de-vivify her, and thereby allegedly save her soul (193-230).
In her letter to the nuns at St. Augustine’s, Buggy herself employs dualistic
language, urging them to “act fast in Our Lady’s name so that we may save my
daughter . . . if I do not remove her from the temptations of the world, she
will die before she has the chance to bloom in the spirit” (196). Vivi’s body
is the focus of Buggy’s rage as she removes Vivi from her bed to depart for St.
Augustine’s: “Silently, and with every flick of the linens, Buggy rejected
Vivi’s firm, flowering adolescent body, which had, until moments before, warmed
the bed” (203). The school’s attacks on bodily comfort include the prohibition
of pillows, singing, music, dancing, and baths, although the nuns permit showers.
Wastefulness with toilet paper is particularly egregious to them. The food is
so repulsive that Vivi loses her appetite and weakens to the point of collapse
(212-17).
At the school, run by nuns living under, and
upholding, the patriarchal power of the church, Vivi’s name is stripped from
her and replaced with her saint’s name, Joan, a reference to St. Joan of Arc.
Although the purpose of the change, on the surface, is to rob Vivi of her
identity and substitute a saint’s name as a way of taming her, the name Joan
conjures up a much richer cluster of meanings, encompassing torture, sacrifice,
and execution by the church itself. However, Joan is also a symbol of great
rebellious strength, which she received from her “voices” speaking to her
through the forces of nature. Although she was posthumously rehabilitated and
canonized by the church, Joan is sometimes reclaimed by pagan feminists as
someone who thumbed her nose at church authority, while claiming a more direct
connection with divinity through nature (Sjoo and Mor 205, 301). Many goddess
images are associated with her voices, such as a sacred tree, water, verdant
valleys, and groves, although she was, on the surface, a Catholic. Thus the
pattern emerges once again in the novel of pagan energy and divine life force
bubbling under a veneer of staid Catholicism.
Only Sister Solange, who continues to use Viviane’s
real name, stands apart from the other nuns. When Sister Solange nurses Vivi
back to health, she gives her a lavender bath (221), an example of her
willingness to use women’s ways of herbal and holistic healing. She denies, and
even defies, the Augustinian dualism, saying that the soul needs the body
(222). She cautions secrecy from the others at St. Augustine’s, making the
character of Solange a part of the pattern of clandestine spirituality under a
veneer of ordinary, and patriarchal, Catholicism. In addition to being a secret
herbal healer, she also secretly facilitates communication with the mother of
one of the other Ya-Ya sisters, Teensy’s mother Genevieve, who rescues Vivi and
takes her home. Previously the school administration had cut off communication
between Vivi and her friends, by confiscating correspondence. Solange therefore
is the only unsevered link, almost an umbilical cord, between Vivi and the
mother-goddess-oriented world of the Ya-Yas.
While Vivi perceives the goddess, in her guise as
the Moon Lady, as her real mother, her biological mother, Buggy, is the source
of her banishment to St Augustine’s, and is therefore the cause of her
temporary alienation from the world that flourishes under the protection of the
divine mother. Ironically, the literal female ancestress is the one who breaks
Vivi’s chain with her spiritual (but secret) female ancestry.
Sidda’s connection with her mother is in danger of
disconnection also, because of confidences foolishly shared with a reporter.
However, the connection is maintained, and eventually fully healed, by the
all-female community, the Ya-Ya sisterhood. Unlike Buggy, whose ultimate
allegiance is to a patriarchal god, Sidda draws her energy from the Moon Lady,
the same image of the divine who protects Vivi and the Ya-Ya sisterhood as
their adopted mother. The sacred connection is therefore unbroken from
mother-goddess, the ultimate ancestress, to Vivi and the Ya-Yas to daughter
Sidda. At times, she even thinks of her mother as divine. Sidda calls Vivi a
“goddess of the creekbank. . . . Some days I worshipped at her feet” (42). The
creek in the novel is called Spring Creek, a significant name because goddesses
in many cultures are associated with bodies of water (Oshun in Africa, for
example) and old European goddesses are specifically connected with springs and
wells (Sjoo and Mor 127). Sources of fresh water are metaphorically the
wellsprings of the life force itself, gushing up from within the earth. The
ocean, salt water, is the place where life began, and it too has goddess
associations. Therefore when Sidda, surprised by a whiff of her mother’s unique
perfume in Greenwich Village, says, “I live in an ocean of smell, and the ocean
is my mother” (43), she is immersing herself in a very ancient tradition. For
Sidda, Vivi, whose name means life, became merged with the Great Mother, source
of all life.
Although religious themes and allusions appear frequently
in the works of Southern writers, Rebecca Wells gives religion a fresh twist
which is uniquely Louisianian. By reworking the Voodoo concept of clandestine
paganism under the surface of ostensible Catholicism with feminist reclamations
of goddess imagery, she has created a new flavor of women’s spirituality in her
aptly named novel. Whether or not the “divine secrets” of the title were
intentionally meant to evoke the sense of secrecy, the hiddenness, of women’s
spiritual reality behind patriarchal religious organizations, she certainly
tapped into a living stream of goddess imagery that could never come together
in quite the same way outside of Louisiana’s “gumbo ya-ya” culture.
1. All notes refer
to the paperback edition.
2. This fact is mentioned repeatedly by Monica Sjoo
and Barbara Mor in The Great Cosmic
Mother.
3. All of the elements listed come from my own personal experience with the feminist spirituality movement. Many of them are mentioned separately in various books and articles on the subject, but not necessarily together as a list of characteristics.
4. The
dualism in traditional Christianity denigrates “matter,” meaning nature, earth,
and the body, in favor of “form,” meaning that which transcends matter, such as
the mind, spirit, or soul. St. Augustine, who plays a large symbolic role in
the novel, was a proponent of an extreme form of the dualism. Feminist
theologians are critical of the dualism because it has negative implications
for women. The feminine has been metaphorically associated with the body, while
men are traditionally said to be both more rational and more spiritual.
5. A foremother need not be a
biological ancestor. For example, Susan B. Anthony is a foremother to feminists
with no blood relation.
6. Cynthia Eller says that the feminist spirituality movement itself has a sacred history beginning with a “long-dead golden age in which whole cultures worshipped the Goddess—and nature through her—and lived in peace with themselves, their environment and their neighbors.” The golden age ended in about 3000BCE, with the triumph of patriarchy, according to this view, but Goddess worship was not entirely destroyed. It continued to exist in peasant European culture, despite persecution as witchcraft.
7. Males may make use of natural and shamanic
healing methods as well, but within the feminist spirituality movement the use
of such methods marks a deliberate rejection of the patriarchal medical
establishment, or at least a recognition of its limitations.
8. Voodoo comes from the African word Vodou or Vodun, meaning “sacred.” Voodoo originated in Haiti. Its sister
religions include Santeria in Cuba, from the Spanish word Santos, Condomble in Brazil, Obeah in Jamaica, and the Shango cults
of Trinidad and Tobago.
9. Oshun is usually syncretized with Our Lady of Caridad
del Cobre, who is the patron saint of Cuba. The statue could possibly be Yemaya
instead, since Yemaya is more explicitly associated with motherhood. She is
syncretized with a different manifestation of the Virgin Mary, Our Lady of
Regla. However, her color would be blue rather than yellow, and the statue in
the novel was said to be wearing yellow beads. Gonzalez-Wippler provides data
on the orishas, explaining their symbolic colors, attributes, and usual
syncretisms with the various saints and manifestations of Mary.
Eller, Cynthia. “Twentieth
Century Women’s Religion as Seen in the Feminist Spirituality Movement.” Women ‘s Leadership in Marginal Religions.
Explorations Outside the Mainstream. Ed. Catherine Wessinger. Urbana and
Chicago: U of lllinois P, 1993.
Gonzalez-Wippler, Migene. The
Santeria Experience. St. Paul: Llewellen, 1992.
The New Jerusalem Bible. Henry Wansbrough, gen.ed.
New York: Doubleday, 1985.
Rigaud, Milo. Secrets of Voodoo. San
Francisco: City Lights Books, 1985.
Sjoo, Monica,
and Barbara Mor. The Great Cosmic Mother.
San Francisco: Harper San Francisco, 1987.
Wells, Rebecca. Divine Secrets o fthe
Ya-Ya Sisterhood. New York: Harper, 1996.